1984 would be the last year the government of President Joao Figueiredo. It was necessary to choose his successor. Since the military coup had installed in April 1964, the choice of every president who ruled the military dictatorship was made by an electoral college without the people's participation. Figueroa ended the mandate before the political landscape and a history different from its predecessors. The Institutional Act No. 5 (AI-5) had been abolished, the law of amnesty, which allowed the return of political exiles had been enacted in 1979. Advances envisioned that the end of the military in power and opening the dictatorial system were made, one of them was the 1982 elections that brought back the direct vote to elect the governors of the states. It remained the highest ambition of the dream of political freedom, direct vote to choose the president. Taking the landslide victory he had obtained most economically important states in the country, the opposition came to the conclusion it was time to start a movement to regain direct presidential elections , an act that happened last in 1960.
Thus, the opposition parties of the time, the PMDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party) Ulysses Guimaraes, the PT (Workers Party) from Lula, and the PDT (Partido Democrático Labour) from Brizola, forgot the first political differences and joined in the struggle to round of presidential elections in Brazil. The movement took shape around the draft Constitutional Amendment's deputy PMDB, Dante de Oliveira, who reestablished the presidential elections since the year 1984, extinguished once the Electoral College. The project was submitted on March 2, 1983.
In the house of the governor of São Paulo, Franco Montoro, a meeting of some opposition leaders, made in October 1983, decided that they should be made a few rallies in favor of approval of the Amendment Dante de Oliveira as the deputy project that came to be called. They were born the great movement for direct elections Already, thousands of Brazilians who took to the streets in a popular demonstration ever seen by the military regime.
Rallies by Direct've brought great excitement to the population, growing as a fuse from the carnival of 1984. Politicians and artists rose to the hustings, cheered by thousands of protesters, who began to wear yellow shirts, beating pots and make a big party political act. The party of hope, the end of the dictatorship opressãoe established twenty years ago. The people, after a silence maintained by repressãoe by torture, returned to the streets to demand their civil rights and a legitimate government. The Amendment
Dante de Oliveira was rejected in Congress, on April 25, 1984. But that lasted four months the Movement of Direct Elections Now forever changed the face of politics in Brazil, bringing a new time and wear end of military rule, which would expire in the coming months. The Direct Already Brazilian believe that you could fight for an end to the darkest dictatorships in the country.
Scenario Pre Political Direct Elections Now
opening policy in Brazil was being given slowly, almost dropper. The machine built by the military regime established in 1964 was perfect, worthy of being compared to the larger world of dictatorships and the Nazi state. In the opening structure, minutely programmed by the oppressive genius who insisted on associating democracy with danger to national sovereignty, called the rule of a bloodthirsty regime exceçãoa and illegitimate several blows were given on the people and the opposition. The military government extinguished early in the multiparty system, creating only two parties: ARENA (National Renewal Alliance), the ruling party, and the MDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement), opposition reliable. Over the years, MDS has become a great democratic front, housing under the caption all parties illegal, as the PCB (Brazilian Communist Party), the PC do B (Communist Party of Brazil) and MR-8 Revolutionary Movement (October 8).
In 1979 AI-5 was abolished and Amnesty enacted. Several opposition leaders, historical enemies of the dictatorship, could return to the country. The political opening provided broader elections that would bring back the direct vote for state governor, scheduled for 1982. Fearing a major defeat at the polls, the military and its allies have created major obstacles in achieving these elections. Transformed the old Arena in PDS (Social Democratic Party), which remained cohesive, and urged the return of multiparty politics in order to divide the opposition. In the new political context, the MDB became the PMDB. Emerged a new political front, the PT, led by trade unionists and intellectuals. In a historic coup, the military would not let Brizola resurrect the PTB (Brazilian Labor Party) of Getúlio Vargas, giving the label to Ivette Vargas, a policy close to the PDS. By losing the caption, Brizola founded a new party, the PDT, which were born small and no major political force, which favored the scheme.
Another set of measurements was created so that the government party had not lost at the polls. Were prohibited Coalition and the vote tied up, or the voter had to choose candidates from the same party for alderman, mayor, state and federal representatives, senator and governor, on pain of canceling the noo if they do vote. Even with measures that confused a people who for twenty years had exercised the suffrage few times, on November 15, 1982, the opposition won the major states of Brazil: São Paulo, Franco Montoro, Minas Gerais, Tancredo Neves, and Rio de Janeiro, Leonel Brizola. Had formed the basis for that fought for direct presidential elections.
Surge Movement of Direct Elections Now
After the 1982 elections, the opposition felt that he could try to elect the next president of Figueiredo'sterm through the direct vote and not wait until 1989 to go to the polls, as it was programmed by the military. In 1983, Sen. Teotonio Vilela dared to propose on television, " Free Program", the creation of a movement that had as its goal the struggle round of elections direct presidential. In the same year, Ulysses Guimaraes, Congressman, founder and president of the PMDB, awakened to the one proposed by Teotonio Vilela, when he participated in Goiania, a public act by direct elections. The event was scheduled to be held in the auditorium of a university. Surprisingly, the place became too small, as a crowd stood in the streets to hear what the speakers spoke, causing a spontaneous demonstration that brought together five thousand people. In early 1983, Dante de Oliveira, Federal Deputy elected by the PMDB in 1982, presented the Proposed Constitutional Amendment 5, which provided for the return of direct elections for president in 1984, which would down in history as the Amendment Dante de Oliveira.
At the end of 1983, after rallies took place in some locations, such as the Place Charles Miller, in front of Pacaembu, São Paulo, brought together ten to fifteen thousand people; Ulysses Guimarães came to the conclusion that the movement was growing and would have to have coesãoe support of all leaders. To achieve the goal, it was necessary that the president of the largest opposition party to negotiate with the various offices of the opposition.
After all the negotiations, on 5 December 1983
, Ulysses Guimarães and the opposition governors, elected last year, creating an official calendar ate estrus and rallies in favor of early direct elections, scheduled for 1989 by the government. In 1984 the Caravan starts for direct, commission formed by the main opposition to the military regime, with the support of over two hundred entities. Officially, Chicago was the city that saw the birth of the largest grassroots mobilization in Brazil's history. The rally, held in January 1984 at the state capital, brought together about forty thousand people, called the Campaign for direct Já.
The movement, once assimilated by the people, was attracting more and more people to the streets and rallies. For four months, thousands of people took to the streets, asking to vote for president and an end to dictatorship. A powerful force that united the people around a common ideal, deeply frighten the regime of the barracks, wearing it and sharing it.
The Great Rallies
The movement has gained considerable visibility when held in São Paulo. That year the city had reached the age of 430 years history. The rally of the Direct has been scheduled for the day Birthday Paulicéia, January 25. Suddenly, the Cathedral Square, the demonstration site, brought together three hundred thousand people. At the time, Brazil's largest broadcaster, TV Globo, not realizing the importance and consequences of that historic moment, omitted the fact that it was a rally for an election ; s direct, broadcasting the event throughout the country as a birthday party in Sao Paulo. Since then, all the rallies that have plagued major cities of Brazil, when given the globe's coverage, heard the crowd yelling: " The people are not stupid, the Globo below! "One could not longer ignore the movement, much less to minimize its importance. The rallies have spread from Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro, Amapá, Pará, Minas Gerais, Espirito Santo, Rio Grande do Sul and several other states. The rally in Candelaria, in downtown Rio de Janeiro, gather around one million people. It was so striking that, the president himself Figueiredo, then traveling to Morocco and Spain, have stated that would be a one milhãoe in Candelaria. Later, President disavow the comment.
In the carnival of 1984, scored two epidemics that summer, a large outbreak of conjunctivitis, which infected thousands of Brazilians and, of the Direct Elections Now, it robbed and infected the whole nation, united by a scream dream of freedom and to end with a dictatorship than twenty years.
Talks Backstage
But passage of the Amendment Dante de Oliveira, despite considerable public pressure, was far from being approved. Several negotiations have to be made between oposiçãoe many government leaders who face the political weakness of the dictatorship, had to fear for their future as politicians in the new scenary river that drew in the country. Began to emerge so-called repentant. It was there that the opposition bet, since for the amendment is approved, it took 320 votes, the equivalent two-thirds vote of the Board, and others in both the Senate. Disregarding many MPs, the opposition has invested in the "repentant". But the government became aware of a possible stampede that threatened his party. To avoid the betrayal of the allied base, already fearing the reaction to go against that massive demonstration of people who, with the possible end of the dictatorship would become legitimate ; thymus voters and voters, the head of the Office of Civil, João Leitão de Abreu, made in haste, an amendment to the 1989 elections anticipated for 1988. With this amendment, negotiated with undecided lawmakers. The vote on the amendment
Dante de Oliveira was scheduled for April 25, 1984. Behind the scenes, negotiations between oposiçãoe Situationists suggested a solution other than would be the approval of the amendment, envisioned and demanded by the people. The PMDB was playing with two fronts, on one hand the popular mobilization that called for elections direct, with Ulysses Guimarães as a candidate for president, and the front that talks with deputies and senators, who face a possible failure to approve the amendment, would bet on Electoral College, with the name of Tancred Neves as president.
The Feast of Direct Elections Now
manifestations of streets, usually driven by rallies, began to acquire particular characteristics. The rallies themselves have a peculiar structure. Bringing together politicians and artists on stage, they were started by journalist Osmar Santos, sports commentator for TV Globo, which had great prestige of public and media at the time. In addition to the microphone speaking political leaders, artists, student leaders and trade unionists. Some names have come to give face and voice to the rallies: Ulysses Guimarães, seen as the voice of the movement; Brizola, Franco Montoro, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Mário Covas, José Serra Miguel Arraes, Eduardo Suplicy, José Richa, Chico Buarque, Taiguara, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Fafa de Belem, Tancredo Neves, Christiane Torloni, and many others. On November 27, 1983 Teotonio Vilela, who left the military government and allied to the opposition to oppose him, died of a
cancer. The senator's death was mourned across the country, who saw it as a major policy developments which had provided for decades, the path toward democracy. At the rallies was elected patron of the movement by Direct Já. As a ritual, the singer Ney Matogrosso started his speech by releasing a white dove, repeating the gesture itself Teotonio Vilela when he addressed rallies in the promulgation of the Amnesty . Next, Fafa de Belem sang "Minstrel of Alagoas ," a song that Milton Nascimento and Fernando Brant made in honor of Teotonio Vilela. In recent rallies, began to sing the National Anthem, causing great controversy for the military, which considered it an insult to a national symbol. Other songs were pulled by the chorus of thousands of people, such as "Walking ," Geraldo Vandré. At year's end, as with the dream of the Direct've ended the story, Chico Buarque composed in his honor the song "For Tables." Last week preceding the vote, the Brazilians started to get dressed every day in the yellow shirt and waving flags banging pots and wearing costumes, props, masks, giant puppets, reminding the regime that the people wanted their rights as citizens for two decades usurped. The streets of Brazilian cities have become venues for parties by the dream of returning to democracy. Unlike the famous rally of March 13, 1964, in Central Brazil, which manifestations
left scared with their posters of communist content, the rallies of the Direct Elections Now ; brought not only slogans, but a feast of character national. This attitude to intimidate the political regime and the regime itself, that before a party so grand political content, he was hounded, unable to take measures to open strategic enforcement. The military regime became quiet before the festivals and rallies. A veiled silence, ready to blow his truculence at any time. The last rally before the vote on the amendment Dante de Oliveira was held at Valley Anhangabaú in Sao Paulo, April 16, gathering milhãoe a half people. It was the apotheosis of the party, the ball end of the largest popular movement in Brazil.
Day Vote on Amendment
But the answer was not long dictatorship dying. In an attempt to intimidate the population, a mysterious crash in the electrical system of the country left for one hour, three states in complete darkness, Minas Gerais, Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro , the most populated and governed by leaders of the Direct Já. On polling day, April 25, 1984, came the cruelty of the military dictatorship of the Brazilian people. The then justice minister, Ibrahim Abi-Ackel, signed measures that put Brazil in a state of emergency. In a show of force, Gen. Newton Cruz, military commander of the Plateau, paraded the streets in their tanks. A huge march of students and civilians bound for Brasilia to pressure the approval of the amendment was refused entry to the Federal District. Troops took to the borders of Brasilia and the southern state of Goias, declaring this part of country area of national security. The communications of the federal capital with the rest of Brazil have been cut. No car, television or radio broadcast any news from Congress. Newton Cross, a decadent cruelty, paraded through the streets of Brasilia mounted on a horse, whip in hand, trying to silence the people. Some student leaders were arrested in the federal capital.
The people refused to be intimidated. A scoreboard was installed in the Cathedral Square, São Paulo, aiming to register names and votes of congressmen. To all the repressive measures of emergency, responded by hitting pots and honking car shaking, called " cacerolazos " and " horns honking." On election day, several scaffolds were assembled in the streets of major cities. Even without congressional news, the people remained united around the stump of his city. The vote would extend well past midnight. News came through phone calls at a time that there was no mobile phones.
At dawn came the result: the amendment was not approved. 298 Members said yes, 65 said no, not 113 appeared
and 3 abstained. The amendment was defeated by a margin of 22 votes. Indirect election was held for the succession of President Joao Figueiredo. The next day, the Brazilian nation was in mourning. People paraded through the streets in a yellow shirt with a black ribbon on his chest. Members who voted against the amendment, had their names disclosed in camera of their cities. Many were greeted with boos at the airport in their states. The major Brazilian newspapers brought a black stripe on the front page, without headlines, showing a silent repudiation and symbolic. The dream of voting for president had ended, the Direct encerradas.Poucas have been times in the history of Brazil lawmakers were faced with such an explicit desire of the people. In the face of popular pressure, the party of the dictatorship cracked. Many migrated to the opposition parties. That year, the Electoral College, was elected a civilian president and opposition, Tancredo Neves. Was over the age of the generals in the presidency of Brazil.
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